Simona Stano

Food represents an unalienable component of everyday life, encompassing different spheres and moments. What is more, in contemporary societies, migration, travel, and communication incessantly expose local food identities to global food alterities, activating interesting processes of transformation that continuously reshape and redefine such identities and alterities. Ethnic restaurants fill up the streets we walk, while in many city markets and supermarkets local products are increasingly complemented with spices, vegetables, and other foods required for the preparation of exotic dishes. Mass and new media constantly provide exposure to previously unknown foods, while “fusion cuisines” have become increasingly popular all over the world. But what happens to food and food-related habits, practices, and meanings when they are carried from one foodsphere to another? What are the main elements involved in such dynamics? And which theoretical and methodological approaches can help in understanding such processes? These are the main issues addressed by this book, which explores both the functioning logics and the tangible effects of one of the most important characteristics of present-day societies: eating the Other.

Food is intrinsically linked to time: first of all, the “food–material” is a living material, both physiologically and symbolically, since it is subject to organic decomposition, but can also acquire value because of ageing. Furthermore, different ingredients are generally combined together and “cooked” (in a Lévi–Straussian sense) according to specific instructions and preparation times in order to create various dishes and courses, which are also influenced by the temporal dimension, since they cool down or melt with the passing of time. Similarly, but also differently, the perception of food is strongly related to time: the tasting experience develops through different steps, involving various senses and dimensions. This paper deals precisely with the temporal characterisation of taste (and dis–taste), by relating the theoretical reflection on the perceptual dimension of the eating experience to temporality and aspectuality.

The number of people looking for online health information has rapidly increased in recent years, and is still increasing. Among the consequences of such a phenomenon, several scholars and professionals identified a new form of widespread hypochondria, which is known as “cyberchondria” or “web–hypochondria”. There are hundreds of data available on the Web that do not reassure health seekers at all, but rather lead them to compulsively look for new information, also making them believe that they suffer from (or may easily suffer from) specific diseases without a reliable diagnosis. In other words, common hypochondria — i.e. the debilitating condition resulting from a dysfunction in the perception of the condition of body or mind in the absence of evidence of organic pathology (Avia and Ruiz 2005) — has progressively turned into hyperchondria — i.e. a new, amplified, and unrestrained form of “mass hypochondria”, which finds in the Web its privileged means of communication. This paper aims at analysing the communicative processes and the meaning–making dynamics related to health communication in the Web era by making reference to the specific case of the MMR vaccine, which has widely spread through the Internet and has had important consequences on people’s thoughts ad behaviours. Finally, the results of such an analysis are related to a more general discussion on virality and its functioning logics.

A well–known aphorism by Brillat–Savarin (1825) states: “Tell me
what you eat, and I shall tell you what you are”. In fact, food represents
a fundamental component of life, encompassing different spheres and
moments. It provides not only the energy the body consumes, but also
the very substance of the body. Moreover, from a subjective point of
view, people often believe or fear, adhering to a sort of magical thinking,
that food acts on their organism or on their identity by analogical contamination,
integration, or impregnation (Fischler 1988). That has become
particularly evident in contemporary foodscapes, mainly according to a
‘negative logic’ that would require rephrasing Brillat–Savarin’s aphorism
as follows: “Tell me what you do not eat, and I shall tell you what you
are”. Lately, food habits forbidding the consumption of specific ingredients
(e.g., vegetarianism, veganism, etc.) or even biological molecules
and other nutritional materials (e.g., gluten–free movements, protein–
based diets, etc.) have spread and become increasing visible, further enhancing the importance of taboos for both the sociocultural order
and the processes of identity building. At the crossroad of physiology
and medicine, on the one hand, and the sociocultural dimension, on the
other hand, food defines people’s identity primarily in negative terms,
through prohibitions and restraints. The essay deals with the recent
spread of gluten–free movements and with the vertiginous increase in
gluten sensitivity rates, which have resulted in the diffusion of conspiracy
theories that explain these phenomena as caused by the globalization of
markets and the misuse of genetic modifications. The analysis of relevant
case–studies leads to describe the features and internal mechanisms
of the specific rhetoric underlying such discourses, also relating to more
general observations on conspiracy theories.

Together with clothing, urban artefacts and other aspects of daily life, nutrition is not only one of the basic human needs, but also a system of communication (Barthes, 1961) and expression of sociocultural identity (Levi-Strauss, 1965; Montanari, 2006; Stano, 2015). Undoubtedly food habits, preferences and taboos are partially regulated by ecological and material factors (Harris, 1975). By contrast, all food systems are structured and given particular functioning mechanisms by specific societies—or, better, cultures (Volli, 2015). Although several scholars have remarked this fact, most present-day texts, discourses, and practices concerning food seem to particularly stress a sort of supposed “naturalness” inherent to food systems. Such “naturalness” is generally conceived as both the praise of everything that opposes artificiality (Marrone, 2011) and a return to an original and idyllic past, namely a “tradition” crystallised in “authentic” recipes, “typical” restaurants, etc. Responding to the urgency of enhancing the academic debate on these issues, this paper analyses a specific case study that, albeit being particularly significant, has not been sufficiently investigated yet: the so-called “Mediterranean diet”. The idea of such a diet originated from the scientific field, in the wake of medical research (Keys & Keys, 1975; Keys, 1980) correlating the low incidence of cardiovascular diseases among the inhabitants of specific areas (i.e. the Cilento region in Italy) and a particular nutritional regime, mainly defined by the use of certain ingredients and specific techniques of preparation of food. The interest in this topic has then increasingly grown, extending beyond the simple definition of healthy rules regulating nutrition, and embracing the social and cultural implications of the particular “lifestyle” that has come to be identified with the Mediterranean diet. In this sense, the genealogy of the inclusion of such a diet in the UNESCO Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity—with the initial rejection in 2007, the approval in 2010 in relation to Italy, Greece, Spain and Morocco, and the extension to Portugal, Croatia and Cyprus in 2013—is emblematic. Moreover, it is essential to point out the important role played by sociocultural elements in the definition of the Mediterranean diet provided by the United Nations: “[it] involves a set of skills, knowledge, rituals, symbols and traditions concerning crops, harvesting, fishing, animal husbandry, conservation, processing, cooking, and particularly the sharing and consumption of food” (UNESCO, 2013). These observations open the way to interesting questions concerning both the processes of meaning making and the definition of food systems. We should notice, first of all, the transition from a purely material conception of the Mediterranean diet, stressing its effects on the human body, to a primarily cultural vision, which rather conceives nutrition as a “form of life” (Fontanille, 1993)—that is, a set of rituals, symbolic operations, and practices of expression of “taste” (i.e. a term significantly referring both to “the sense by which [we distinguish] the qualities and flavour of a substance” (Collins, 2014) and to our “preference or liking for something” (Ibid.)). Furthermore, the active and transformative—and therefore conscious—nature of such operations emerges, suggesting a process of “invention of [the] tradition” (Hobsbawm & Ranger, 1983) of the Mediterranean diet, whose imaginary is characterised by a series of remarkable inconsistencies. Although the lifestyle described by the United Nations and the features remarked by many scholars (see Moro, 2014) have been historically shared by several peoples leaving in the Mediterranean area, it is not possible to deny the significant differences among the numerous Mediterranean diets, which are in fact very varied, and not easy to define nor to classify. We should consider, moreover, the processes of globalisation and hybridisation that have affected food in the last decades, with important implications on the grammars, syntaxes, and pragmatics of systems that, instead, tend to be subjected to a process of “crystallisation” denying such dynamism. This paper addresses these crucial issues, making particular reference to relevant texts and discourses that have marked the genesis and development of the so-called Mediterranean diet and of the collective imaginary concerning it.

This paper deals with the processes of construction of identity and alterity, making particular reference to the culinary and gastronomic sphere. Building on an extensive bibliography in philosophy and semiotics, we aim to describe the tensions and oppositions underlying the dynamics through which the Self and the Other incessantly (re-)define and (re-)shape each other, activating interesting processes of “translation”, “stereotyping” and “misunderstanding” that cannot be described according to a univocal and pre-fixed logic, but should be rather analysed through tensive models and dialectic relations (between past and future, stillness and change, constancy and innovation, idem and ipse, …), making reference to specific approaches and tools of analyses able to grasp their transformational nature.

This paper addresses a crucial question: why is a semiotics of food needed and useful? Food is not only a substance for survival and nourishment, but is also part of a sign system since it is strictly involved in processes of signification. After exploring this issue, we propose a brief examination of the main contributions dealing with food symbolism and the food system. The paper therefore presents some hypotheses concerning the role of semiotics within food studies, trying to individuate the main issues which seem in need to be urgently dealt with and pointing out the need for complementing the more traditional approaches to the new branches focusing on the observation of practices, social dynamics, and other tools of analysis. Finally, attention is drawn to interdisciplinarity, suggesting the importance of connecting semiotics with the other disciplines that have traditionally dealt with food.

Coming from the Greek dìaita, which means “life, lifestyle”, the
word diet is generally defined as a set of rules regulating not only the
assumption of food, but also physical exercise. Not surprisingly, one of
the synonyms of this term is the word regime, deriving from the Latin
verb règere, “to manage, to rule”. Diet can be therefore understood as
a system of signs, namely as a language composed by particular signs,
texts, discourses, and practices. Form of life in which identity emerges in
the intersection of the body and the textual and discursive dimensions,
diet is based on particular dynamics related to the cognitive–epistemic
(belief ), pragmatic (praxis), and emotional (passion) point of view. The
main aim of this paper is to think over the agency of the images used
by the so–called health and fitness magazines, analysing how the iconic
language is able to orient, encourage, or even trigger the action of the
observer in a field that can be considered not only as a dietetic regime,
but also as a sense regime.

From eggs to yoghurt, from the American pie to rotten tomatoes, food has been largely used in protest actions. Moreover, we should not forget hunger strikes, which consist in nonviolent practices of prolonged voluntary fasting expressing dissent against something or someone. Besides, another very interesting case is that of the demonstrations in favour of vegetarianism and against the very common practice of eating meat, where the human body itself symbolically becomes the food to be consumed. So, how can food serve as an instrument of dissent? Does a “food protest” exist? And, if so, how can it be analysed from a semiotic point of view? Thinking over some interesting case studies, chosen for their relevance among many present or recent examples, this paper aims at answering these questions.

"Porta Palazzo, an area within the city of Turin, spans part of the district Circoscrizione 1 (“Centro–Crocetta”) and part of Circoscrizione 7 (“Aurora–Madonna del Pilone–Vanchiglia”), including the archaeological zone, part of the ancient old town (up to Corso Regina Margherita), the remains of the old village outside the city walls, the Arsenal, the Cottolengo area, the former railway station Cirié–Lanzo, and the large complex of the Balôn. Although not representing a “neighbourhood” or a “district” in administrative terms and being characterized by a deeply heterogeneous urban fabric, as well as by a very diversified population, most of Turin inhabitants, as well as many national and international touristy and commercial actors perceive this area as unified.
Why? What are the elements that make it possible to absorb such diversity and fragmentation in a quite worldwide shared uniform image? Or, in semiotic terms, what are the isotopies that allow one to perceive the urban text “Porta Palazzo” as homogeneous, and distinguished from its context?
The present paper tries to answer these questions through analyzing some of the most relevant fictional representations (setting) referring to Porta Palazzo (environment) and the adaptive practices of individuals and communities that have settled there over time (habitat). Finally, the paper proposes some considerations about the discrepancy between the urban and the administrative levels, on the one hand, and those of the imaginary and the signification, on the other."

"[MONOGRAPHIC ISSUE]

The Islamic veil has become a central issue in mass communication and policy administration. Unfortunately, its representations are strongly stereotyped and often seem to reflect a willingness to invest this cultural headdress with a negative sense, marking it as the symbol of the savagery, violence and backwardness of Islam. This signifies the loss of the variety originally linked to the so-called hijab, whose nature is deeply characterized by polysemy, diversity and indeterminateness depending on the peculiar context it is related to.
This article tries to go ‘under’ the veil of such stereotyped images and to explore the mechanisms through which mass media – and in particular women’s magazines – create and support certain representations of the hijab.
What are the main isotopies of the veil we can find? Are they the result of the combination of figurative and plastic signifiers used in accordance with fixed and specific rules or rather associations set from time to time depending on each particular enunciative context? Are there any models that seem to be more used than others? Why? And what happens to the veil when it comes into contact with Western society and lifestyle (especially with the fashion system)?
By answering these questions as well as others I have tried to show how the representations of Muslim women and the veils they wear seem to take shape, suggesting certain interpretations of the relationship between the East and West, on one side, and the values of oppression and emancipation of women, on the other.
Could not it be that our minds, too, are often covered by a ‘veil’: an invisible but very heavy burqa under which it is often demanded we see the world surrounding us?"

"The Islamic veil has become a central issue in mass communication and policy administration. Unfortunately, its representations are strongly stereotyped and often seem to reflect a willingness to invest this cultural headdress with a negative sense, marking it as the symbol of the savagery, violence and backwardness of Islam. This signifies the loss of the variety originally linked to the so-called hijab, whose nature is deeply characterized by polysemy, diversity and indeterminateness depending on the peculiar context it is related to.
This article tries to go ‘under’ the veil of such stereotyped images and to explore the mechanisms through which mass media – and in particular women’s magazines – create and support certain representations of the hijab.
What are the main isotopies of the veil we can find? Are they the result of the combination of figurative and plastic signifiers used in accordance with fixed and specific rules or rather associations set from time to time depending on each particular enunciative context? Are there any models that seem to be more used than others? Why? And what happens to the veil when it comes into contact with Western society and lifestyle (especially with the fashion system)?
By answering these questions as well as others I have tried to show how the representations of Muslim women and the veils they wear seem to take shape, suggesting certain interpretations of the relationship between the East and West, on one side, and the values of oppression and emancipation of women, on the other.
Could not it be that our minds, too, are often covered by a ‘veil’: an invisible but very heavy burqa under which it is often demanded we see the world surrounding us?"

“Hidden”, “temporary”, “itinerant”, and “underground” are some of the adjectives that are frequently used to describe the so–called “guerrilla restaurants”. Since more than a decade ago, such forms of “hidden eatery” have promoted new dietary practices, also continuously “rewriting” urban texts because of their ephemeral and irregular existence. Such a phenomenon has increased visibly in recent years, also leading to socially and legally recognised services, which left the “underground” dimension and became “home restaurants”. Home restaurants have further developed the model of “social eating” promoted by their illegal predecessors, enhancing communication through the introduction of digital platforms (such as Gnammo.com, Ceneromane, Le Cesarine, Eatwith, etc.) for mapping, describing, evaluating, and managing their services and performances. At the same time, they have fomented interesting processes of gamification and active participation in civic life, as well as relevant practices of dematerialisation and rewriting of the urban space. This chapter aims to reflect on such processes by making reference to relevant case studies, which will be analysed through a semiotic methodology.

“Maccarone, m’hai provocato e io ti distruggo adesso, maccarone. Io me te magno, ahmm”. Con queste celebri parole Nando Moriconi, l’“americano a Roma” del film di Steno rinuncia temporaneamente alla propria infatuazione per lo stile di vita americano per riscoprirsi pienamente italiano nel proprio rapporto con il cibo.
Proprio il cibo, in effetti, è generalmente considerato dagli italiani come uno degli aspetti più rappresentativi della propria identità nazionale, sentimento che arriva talvolta a sfociare in vere e proprie forme di convinto patriottismo quando non addirittura di aperto sciovinismo.
Se però, da un lato, l’universo gastronomico italiano si articola in numerose varianti regionali e locali irriducibili a un’unica tradizione e a pochi piatti stereotipati, dall’altro, la passione collettiva degli italiani per la “propria” cucina sembra fare riferimento a un immaginario ben preciso e circoscritto, che trova nella pasta il suo elemento più rappresentativo.
Perché? In che modo la pasta emerge come Oggetto di Valore in grado di sedurre il Soggetto (“gli italiani”), instaurando il processo amoroso (“amor di patria”)? E quali sono i valori di cui è investito tale Oggetto?
Al di là delle variabili di matrice storico-materiale che hanno portato alla creazione di un determinato immaginario culinario italiano, è interessante osservare ciò che avviene sul piano della significazione, analizzando il modo in cui la pasta giunge ad incarnare i valori dell’“italianità”, postulando così quella “conformità di essenza” tra Soggetto e Oggetto della passione che Roland Barthes descrive come centrale nel discorso amoroso: “io voglio essere l’altro, voglio che lui sia me, come se fossimo uniti” (1977, trad. it. 1979, 15).
In una simile prospettiva, assume particolare importanza il linguaggio pubblicitario, specchio e insieme generatore di simili valori. Si tratta, quindi, di analizzare come, nell’ambito del discorso pubblicitario, a diverse forme di rappresentazione e valorizzazione della pasta vengano a corrispondere particolari messe in scena dell’italianità. In particolare, l’attenzione sarà rivolta alle campagne audiovisive di Barilla, leader mondiale nel mercato della pasta: dal primo Carosello del 1958, che vedeva Giorgio Albertazzi recitare un sonetto dantesco per poi cedere la parola alla “nuova pastina glutinata”, ai recenti spot marchiati dalla voce di una delle icone del panorama musicale e culturale italiano, l’advertising communication della celebre azienda parmense rappresenta un repertorio di notevole interesse che permette di cogliere e analizzare il potenziale seduttivo della pasta nei confronti del pubblico italiano, prefigurando il momento dell’incontro amoroso: “una scoperta progressiva (quasi una verifica) della affinità, complicità e intimità”, in cui “ad ogni istante, [si] scopr[e] nell’altro un altro [s]e stesso” (ivi, 110)."